Schools in Transition: Community Experiences in Desegregation
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School integration in the United States
Continue shopping. United Kingdom. Search Within These Results:. Caldas, Carl L. Williams, Margaret W. Is Separate Unequal? Et al Published by Doubleday Anchor Brown vs. The politics of school desegregation: Comparative case studies of community structure and policy-making, A Doubleday Anchor book Crain, Robert L Published by Doubleday Education Goldberg, Steven S.
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The School Environment
What of the interface between home and school? It is not clear that being active in school affairs has positive achievement outcomes for children unless parents are also providing the type of home environment that enhances achievement. Lightfoot pointed out that mothers and teachers may compete with each other in their efforts to influence children's development.
If race and social-status differences are involved, these conflicts may take on chauvinistic characteristics. Lightfoot suggested that in cases in which parents and teachers, despite their differences, work cooperatively on behalf of the children, a creative tension may develop that will enhance their growth. Promising work on how teachers involve parents in the educational process is currently under way at Johns Hopkins University Epstein and Becker, , but the issue of how different types of parental involvement affect children's adaptation to school is one that requires additional research.
Educational researchers have devoted considerable attention to studies of person-environment interactions or interactions of aptitude trait and treatment e. While few consistent interaction effects have been reported see Cronbach and Snow, , the search for better statistical analysis strategies Hedges, and better conceptual strategies continues. Epstein pointed out that, while psychologists have focused on person-environment interaction effects, sociologists and political scientists have studied environment-environment interaction effects.
She advocates a merging of the two approaches into a person-environment-environment model: "Is there one best organization for educating, or do different approaches optimize development on particular outcomes for different students? Epstein's model was applied to a study of the relationship of family and school authority structures two environments to junior high and high school students' satisfaction with school the students varied on measures of independence and locus of control. The two environments could be congruent or incongruent with each other, and each environment could be congruent or incongruent with a particular student's background.
The results indicate that "school environments were especially important for students from families that do not emphasize participation in decisions at home" p. This was especially true for students who were initially high in independence and internal control orientation. Although the students in Epstein's study were beyond the elementary school level, it is reasonable to assume that the patterns exhibited by these students developed during the early school years.
Additional research on the relationship of family decision-making structures and school decision-making structures in the early grades may help us understand how student characteristics, home environment, and school environment affect student adjustment to school.
Schools in Transition: Community Experiences in Desegregation
Investigations into the relationship and influences of the family on learning outcomes have not been confined to the cognitive-intellectual domain. Some research has focused on structural differences in childhood experiences that result in different achievement values, aspirations, and motivations.
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Conceptually, the achievement values here are much like the attitudes of "modernism" discussed by Inkeles , self-direction versus conformity as identified by Kohn , and three achievement values identified by Strodtbeck : 1 a belief that the world is orderly and amenable to rational mastery, 2 a willingness to leave home to make one's way in life, and 3 a preference for individual rather than collective credit for work accomplished.
Strodtbeck found that these values were a function of the balance of power between fathers, mothers, and sons within the family mothers' dominance of their sons rather than father dominance.
Major gaps in this research exist. One issue is whether it is valid to apply an Anglo-American definition of achievement motivation on the basis of individualistic achievement efforts to those racial or ethnic groups that may place greater emphasis on group or family expressions of achievement and approval e.
Laosa also pointed out that ethnic groups differ in the attributes that define optimal development or social competence in childhood. The evidence on the issue is somewhat inconsistent. Ruhland and Feld found that black and white working-class children did not differ in autonomous achievement motivation, which is presumably learned at home prior to school age; however, white students scored significantly higher than blacks on social comparison motivation, which is acquired during the elementary school years.
Autonomous standards define excellence in relation to one's own past performance; social comparison standards are based on comparisons of one's own performance and that of others. In contrast, a study Moore, of black children adopted by black families and white families, found that black children adopted by white families were significantly more likely than black children adopted by black families to have high autonomous achievement motivation scores. The two groups did not differ on social comparison motivation scores. The differences may be attributable to the fact that the children in Moore's study were all living in middle-class families, while the children in the Ruhland and Feld study attended working-class schools.
Moore's results call into question Banks and McQuater's contention that the roots of low achievement motivation among blacks are not located in family and early socialization experiences. One key intervening factor may be different determinants of locus of control in the home and at school. Neither the role of the family nor the role of teachers in determining locus of control has received sufficient research attention.
Buriel found for grade-school Chicano children but not for Anglo children a positive relationship between students' perceptions of teachers' controlling behavior and internal control for success and a positive relationship between students' perceptions of teachers' supporting behavior and internal control for failure. Anglo and Chicano students were not different in levels of internal locus of control. Holliday compared 44 black 9- and year-olds on mother's reports of children's competencies at home and in the neighborhood and teacher's reports of school competencies.
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The two sets of competencies were not related at a statistically significant level. Neither school self-esteem Coopersmith scale nor locus of control Bialer-Cromwell scale were significantly related to either set of competencies. Only teacher-reported competencies were significantly related to school grades and achievement test scores. Holliday reported that teachers, in rating black students, tended to assign higher ratings to social activity than to academic activity. She suggested that teacher expectations may contribute to learned helplessness patterns in black children's academic behavior, similar to patterns of learned helplessness described by Dweck et al.
Evidence from several studies suggests that black students are less accurate than whites in estimating their own achievement levels Brookover et al. The type of teacher feedback may also contribute to the development of patterns among minority students that cause them to be slower than whites in developing a logical approach to the inference of ability from outcome and effort cues.
Research on the relationship of home environment to social affect has concentrated on children ages , although one study of 8-year-olds in Dublin is reported Kellaghan, There is a need to study younger children in order to study developmental patterns. If the methodology could be developed, it would be of interest to know what type of achievement values, children bring from home upon entry in school.
It would then be possible to determine how home-produced achievement values are enhanced or discouraged by the schooling process. Student achievement values measured at entry into the ninth grade change very little by graduation from high school. It thus appears that high schools have little impact on students' values. Is this also true for elementary schools? Additional work is needed on the effects of various educational practices on parents' and students' expectations and the relationship of these to achievement and affective outcomes.
The work of Entwisle and Hayduk , is a good beginning and should stimulate additional research. Since the publication of Equality of Educational Opportunity Coleman et al. Most studies find that achievement varies negatively with the percentage of minority students in the school population. To a large extent, this is attributable to the fact that minority students are likely to come from poverty-level homes with all of the stresses typically associated with poverty see Maccoby, in this volume.
However, Ogbu noted that low achievement is not found among all racial minorities in American schools. For example, Asian-American students' achievement is usually higher than that of Anglo-Americans. According to Ogbu , immigrant minorities Chinese, Filipinos, and Japanese do not exhibit the patterns of school failure found among castelike minorities blacks, American Indians, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans ; Coleman et al. Comparative research in six countries confirms the general pattern: immigrant minorities did relatively well in school; nonimmigrant minorities experienced a high proportion of school failure.
Ogbu suggested that the differences in minority-group performance in schools are attributable to differences in perceptions of schooling in relation to the opportunity structure, on one hand, and cultural inversion, on the other. The argument for perception of opportunity structure is more plausible for secondary school students than for elementary pupils, who are less likely to have well-formed ideas about societal barriers to social mobility. However, perceptions of the opportunity structure may influence how parents motivate their children for school achievement.
Cultural inversion may result in linguistic, cognitive, and behavioral styles that conflict with the expectations of school staff. Slaughter , examined the relationship between selected home background variables and achievement development for a sample of Head Start children followed from nursery school through grade 6. Perhaps more important, she studied the interactions of parent, teacher, and student perceptions of children's abilities and potential for development.
While Slaughter found several maternal socialization variables to be related to children's preschool IQ scores and reading-readiness scores, by grade 4 nearly all of these were nonsignificant. Slaughter concluded that "for this population the schooling experience is discontinuous with early childhood development. This pattern of inaccurate feedback has been reported by others e. Some researchers contend that there are ethnic differences in "theories of success" that prepare children to develop different sets of competencies Ogbu, While social status as traditionally measured probably mediates these ethnic differences, it is likely that some ethnic ''survivals'' remain even when social status is controlled.